Bangladesh: So Poor, So Controversial

The current unrest in Bangladesh can be attributed to the very specific situation in the rich Delta, first mentioned in Rustichello of Pisa’s Book of Wonders in the 13th century and whose geopolitical position has continued to change over the centuries (1). Most of Bangladesh is occupied by the Ganges Delta, which has a total area of 105,000 km 2. This fertile plain benefits from monsoon rains, but suffers from flooding, exacerbated by deforestation on the Himalayan slopes, and tropical cyclones. Located “at the confluence of three rivers sacred to Hindus: Ganges, Brahmaputra, and Meghna” (2), the Sundarbans delta is home to one of the largest mangrove forests in the world. This very rich area experienced great creative activity between the 9th and 12th centuries (3). Sir Thomas Roe, the envoy of Queen Elizabeth I to the Mughal court, noted in the early 17^th century: “Bengal feeds India.” This beautiful and wealthy province had a surplus of agriculture, industry, and intense domestic and international trade. However, in the late 18th century, Bengala was plundered by the British. Severely undermined, the economy subsequently continued to slumber in the part that later became East Pakistan in 1947 and then Bangladesh in 1971 (4). The memory of the ancient paradise of Bengal has survived to this day. The national anthem speaks of this indirectly:

“My golden Bengal, I love you!

Your sky, your air always make my heart sing like a flute.

In the month of Phalgun, oh my mother,

The scent of your mango trees

Carries me with joy” (5).

Despite the artificial partition of India by the British before their departure, Bangladesh retains close historical and civilizational ties with India (6). Bangladesh really belongs to the Indian world. In 1971, Bangladeshis feared that the relations of domination that characterized pre-1947 relations, when Hindu landowners, moneylenders, and businessmen took over, would be restored. However, “today’s Hindu Bangladeshis represent nothing more than humble, and most often poor, peasants and artisans in general, but are viewed with suspicion by some Muslims” (7). Bangladesh, which received military aid from India in 1947 to separate itself from West Pakistan, has thus not become a geopolitical satellite of India, with which relations are quite good, even though the latter is building a fence along the India-Bangladesh border to protect itself from extremist Islamist militants.

In 1947, Bangladesh represented the least developed part of the Indian Empire: “The Pakistani population was unevenly distributed between the western and eastern parts of the country and separated by more than 1500 kilometers of Indian territory; it was ethnically, socially, and linguistically diverse, largely illiterate, and predominantly rural and agricultural. Society remained predominantly based on family, kinship, caste, and tribe, it had little contact with the modern world, was poorly cemented and integrated on a national scale” (8).

However, this very poor population, united by family solidarity (9), has become a reservoir of cheap labor for the globalized economy. Many Western multinationals use labor in Bangladesh, which is among the cheapest in the world: 30 euros per month compared to 200 euros in China. There were a lot of fatal accidents. The most significant of these occurred in April 2013 and caused the deaths of at least 1.135 workers when their factory collapsed. The International Trade Union Confederation names Bangladesh among the countries where workers rights are least respected, particularly because of the actions of its infamous industrial police. Several multinationals, including the Tata Group and Unocal Corporation, have invested heavily there, primarily in the natural gas sector. Bangladesh is currently experiencing rapid development based mainly on the textile industry and the opening up of the European market for its products. GDP growth has been above 7% for 10 years.

Muhammad Yunus, who has just come to power, is tied to Western interests. This economist, the son of a jeweler who was a popular theater actor in his youth, received a Fulbright scholarship to study in the United States in 1965. Former President Bill Clinton supported his nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize. In 2012, Yunus became chancellor of the University of Glasgow and held that position until 2018. This does not prevent him from maintaining close relations with China, which has become Bangladesh’s leading trading partner with 23% of foreign trade (10). The latter is naturally interested in Bangladesh’s cheap labor, as well as its geopolitical position. Indeed, one of the six corridors of the Belt and Road Initiative connects India to China via Bangladesh and Burma.

Despite Western support, Muhammad Yunus will have to deal with local Asian realities, sparing both India, which enclaves his country, and China, which is interested in its manufacturing potential. This is exactly why Banglades’s geopolitical neutrality must be maintained in the coming years. This materializes in the slogan “friendship toward all and malevolence toward none”, aimed at maintaining relationships with as many partners as possible.

Nevertheless, the arrival of Yunus shows a significant change in this neutrality. Although the country was close to India, it turned more towards the United States. On September 15, 2024, USAID signed an agreement with Bangladesh to provide $200 million in assistance, the largest aid granted to an Asian country. However, the allocated funds represent only the first package: the total amount pledged is $954 million. These funds will be used to support management, which is now being evaluated favorably. Indeed, political developments in Bangladesh seem to have followed the recommendations of the US pre-election assessment mission whose report was published on October 15, 2023 (11). This found that in its roadmap the opposition stressed that wanted the prime minister to step down while recognizing that it is the people of Bangladesh who will determine the destiny they want. Yet, at the very moment when India is turning away from Western influence through smart multilateralism, the deep-water ports of Chittagong, Mongla, and Matarbari have just been opened to the US-Navy.

1) Vincent Lefèvre, Coline Lefrancq, «Vingt-huit ans de fouilles franco-bangladaises à Mahasthangarh», Arts asiatiques, vol. 75, 2020, p. 161-176.

(2) Camille Raillon, «Portraits de famille: typologie des capacités de résilience et enjeux humanitaires au Bangladesh», Études internationales, 51, 2020, p. 503–521.

(3) Claudine Bautze-Picron, «La statuaire du Sud-Est du Bangladesh du X e au XII e siècle», Arts asiatiques, vol. 40, 1985, p. 18-31.

(4) Étienne Gilbert, «Bangladesh: d’énormes handicaps et des signes de mouvement», Tiers-Monde, vol. 25, n°98, 1984, p. 409-417.

(5) Hymne national du Bangladesh – 1971

(6) Jean-Luc Racine, «Les paramètres de la géopolitique indienne», Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français, 74 e année, 1997, p. 156-169.

(7) Gérard Viratelle, «La coopération entre l’Inde et le Bangladesh depuis 1971», Tiers-Monde, vol. 24, n°96, 1983. La coopération Sud-Sud. État et perspectives, p. 879-887.

(8) Stanley Kochanek, «Politique, entrepreneurs et développement au Pakistan et au Bangladesh», Tiers-Monde, vol. 31, n°124, 1990.

(9) François-Charles Wolff, «Les transferts ascendants au Bangladesh, une décision familiale?», L’Actualité économique, 82, p. 271–316.

(10) De nombreux projets d’infrastructure sont envisagés dans le cadre des Nouvelles routes de la soie (corridor Bangladesh-Chine-Inde-Myanmar, BCIM).

(11) Statement of NDI/IRI’S pre-election assessment mission to Bangladesh 12th parliamentary elections.